Election 2006: Doomsday for the GOP Agenda

10-02-06, 11:00 am



The conduct of the Republican leadership of Congress, in collaboration with the Bush administration, has been disgraceful. They have shown that they will do whatever it takes to pass legislation that benefits the privileged few.

Carrying out plots in the dead of night is common practice. When it suits their purposes, they have not hesitated to hold secret committee meetings excluding Democratic members; schedule votes on last-minute, 1,000-page omnibus bills before they can be read; hold votes open until arm twisting produces enough votes for passage; change language after voting; disallow amendments from the floor, and hold crucial measures hostage.

Further stifling the possibility for debate, House Speaker Dennis Hastert (R-IL) declared that no bill will be brought forward unless it already has the support of “the majority of the majority.” Therefore, if most Republicans do not support a measure, it will not be heard.

The Republican leadership with the Bush administration arrogantly trample on the rights, needs and wishes of the people they are elected to serve. Their methods of rule, in defiance of the majority, constitute a dismantling of the democratic process.

The Cook Report in late July showed that only 27 percent of those polled said the country was headed in the right direction and 63 percent said it was off on the wrong track. Just 28 percent approved of the job Congress was doing, and just 36 percent approved of Bush.

Instead of heeding public opinion, withdrawing from Iraq and allocating funds to universal health care, public education and jobs, the Republicans have maneuvered to enrich oil companies, decrease taxes for wealthy, and bankrupt the federal government. Under the guise of fighting terrorism, they are making the world dangerously unsafe.

These policies are designed by and implemented on behalf of the biggest, greediest, most corrupt corporate interests like Halliburton, Wal-Mart, Delphi and Boeing. Hundreds of billions of dollars have been looted from the economy for war, broad tax breaks that benefit all corporations and wealthy people, and specific special interest tax breaks, contracts and revolving-door arrangements that benefit specific companies and individuals with close ties to the administration and Republican congressional leaders. They are attempting to institutionalize these policies through changes in the tax structure, budget rules mandating deep cuts and stacking appointments to agencies with right-wing pro-corporate ideologues.

The effect is to tilt the whole playing field. They are trying to enshrine in granite that corporate “rights” are absolute, that the working class has no rights that corporations are bound to respect.

Iraq War

The biggest example is Iraq. For many months, members of the Congressional Out of Iraq Caucus have been introducing bills favoring withdrawal and demanding a debate. With 19 percent of those polled favoring immediate withdrawal and 36 percent favoring withdrawal by the end of the year, the Republican leadership could not just sit it out. So, they devised a trick debate. Refusing to hear any of the withdrawal resolutions, they introduced HR 861supporting the president’s “stay the course” policy in Iraq, adding gratuitous language in support of the troops. They scheduled “debate” for mid-June, but prohibited any amendments from being brought forward.

Supposedly a vote against the bill would be a vote against the president in wartime and a vote against supporting the troops. Unfortunately, this kind of intimidation has often been left unchallenged by Democrats, for which they have been strongly criticized.

Extreme cynicism of this sham debate on Iraq, combined with mass pressure from the grass roots, forced the Democrats to take a stand. About 75 percent voted no. It passed 256-153. Immediately the Republicans rushed to districts of vulnerable incumbents with the lie that they were unpatriotic, cut-and-run, and disrespectful to the troops.

But the voting public was not taken in. With 72 percent of troops in the field favoring withdrawal by the end of the year, it was those who refused to go along with the ruse that showed real support for the troops.

Speaking from the floor of the House, Rep. Dennis Kucinich (D-OH) underscored the crucial role of the grassroots: “The president will not bring an end to this war. This Congress will not bring an end to this war, absent the Murtha Resolution. But the American people will certainly bring an end to this war.”

Days earlier, an attempt was made to undercut Rep. John Murtha (D-PA), a decorated veteran who authored an amendment to prevent funds from being used to establish permanent bases in Iraq. During debate on the defense spending bill, a motion to remove that language was defeated with a vote of 376-50. Making it clear that it was the Bush administration who had pushed for removal of the language, Rep. Barbara Lee (D-CA), co-chair of the Progressive Caucus said, “I hope that the White House will not again weigh in behind the scenes to try and reverse this decision.”

In concert, former presidential candidate Sen. John Kerry (D-MA) offered an amendment in the Senate for withdrawal by the end of the year, admitting that he was wrong to have voted for the war. That amendment received 13 votes. Although it was defeated, it opened the door for a series of additional amendments. Even Sen. Hillary Clinton (D-NY) was moved to respond to pressure from her constituents, angry at her lack of opposition to the war, by signing onto a bill with Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) for partial redeployment in 2006, and requiring a plan from the president for continued redeployment thereafter.

As the death toll of US troops surpasses 2,600, with many times more maimed and injured, and thousands of Iraqi innocents deceased, it is outrageous that at least 10 bills for withdrawal remain unheard at the time of this writing. Henry Hyde (R-IL), Republican chair of the Committee on International Relations has declined to bring forward:

• H. Con. Res. 348 (S 93): Sense of Congress with respect to accomplishing the mission in Iraq (Thompson/Harkin). 34 co-sponsors. • H.J. Res. 73: To redeploy US forces from Iraq (Murtha). 105 co-sponsors. • H.R. 3142: To declare policy not to maintain long-term/permanent military presence in Iraq (Allen). 40 co-sponsors. • H. Con. Res. 197: To declare policy not to enter into any base agreement with Iraq that would lead to a permanent United States military presence in Iraq (Lee). 83 co-sponsors. • H.J. Res. 55: Requiring the president to develop and implement a plan for withdrawal of Armed Forces from Iraq initiated by October 1, 2006 (Abercrombie). 69 co-sponsors. • H.J. Res. 70: Requiring the president to submit a plan for withdrawal of US armed forces from Iraq (Price / Miller). 18 co-sponsors. • H.R. 432: To prohibit the use of funds to deploy United States armed forces to Iraq (McGovern). 17 co-sponsors • H. Con. Res. 35: Expressing the sense of Congress that the president should develop and implement a plan to begin the immediate withdrawal of US armed forces from Iraq (Woolsey). 34 co-sponsors.

With a change in control of the House, the Democratic chair of international relations would be ranking member Rep. Tom Lantos (D-CA), who, while not the strongest voice, is a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus. As such, he would be much more vulnerable to mass pressure.

Minimum Wage

In the House and Senate, Democrats have made a concerted effort to raise the minimum wage, which has stayed stagnant at $5.15 for nine years. They could not get action on HR 4249 to raise the minimum wage to $7.25 an hour, delivering a wage increase to 6.6 million minimum wage workers. In contrast, Congress has voted to increase their own pay by $34,900 – three times more than a minimum wage worker makes in a year.

It was a disgrace that in June, the Senate failed to get the 60 votes necessary to increase the minimum wage, while a third of children live in poverty. The vote on Sen. Edward Kennedy’s (D-MA) amendment 4322 to the National Defense Authorization Act was 52 to 46 against, with all Democrats voting yes.

In the House, Republican leadership doing the bidding of corporate lobbyists and right-wing ideologues, made no secret of their opposition to raising the minimum wage. “Every principled conservative knows this is horrible stuff,” said Rep. Tom Feeney (R-FL).

The hypocrisy was astounding when the leadership suddenly decided to rush before the August break to cobble together a bill that combined a repeal of the estate tax, which benefits the very rich, with raising the minimum wage. The estate tax repeal would cost the government $800 billion in the first 10 years. The bill was presented just before the vote when no one could read it. At 1:30 a.m. the bill passed 230 to 180, with most Democrats voting no.

“There is a majority in both houses of Congress for an increase to $7.25 and Republicans are twisting themselves into knots when a simple up or down vote would do,” said AFL-CIO President John Sweeney.

In the absence of action by the federal government, many states have taken the situation into their own hands. In this election cycle, labor and community coalitions in Ohio, Missouri and Arizona have collected thousands of signatures to get the minimum wage referendum on the ballot. These minimum wage ballot initiatives are bringing swing voters in rural and southern areas into the Democratic fold.

With a change in control of the House, the Democratic chair of Education and the Workforce Committee would be ranking member Rep. George Miller (D-CA), a leading member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus and author of the Employee Free Choice Act (HR 1696 / S 842). This bill would protect workers’ rights to organize into unions. A broad, diverse coalition has been organizing and mobilizing for the Free Choice Act for several years. There are now 215 co-sponsors, yet the Republican leadership has not placed this bill on the calendar for action. Election of a Democratic majority will uplift the grassroots movement demanding an increase in the minimum wage and will serve as a call to stop pandering to the demands of big business.

Equal Voting Rights

The recent passage of the extension of the Voting Rights Act brought a great sigh of relief. The national outcry against delays forced this vote.

In June, the Republican leadership of the House used the opposition of a small klan-like group of legislators as an excuse to hijack the long-awaited vote to renew provisions of the Voting Rights Act, potentially denying and disenfranchising Black and Latino voters in the South. Led by Rep. Lynn Westmoreland (R-GA) they put forward four amendments, including one by Rep. Cliff Stearns (R-FL) that would eliminate enforcement of the provision for multiple language ballots in accordance with the population of each election district.

Playing on the racist, anti-immigrant “English Only” campaign, and the presence of the 100-member (anti-) Immigration Reform Caucus chaired by Rep. Tom Tancredo (R-CO), proponents of the amendment demagogically argued that it would strengthen the Voting Rights Act because since its original passage, English language proficiency became a requirement for citizenship! The amendment was defeated 254-167.

A prolonged and grueling debate ensued in which Rep. John Lewis (D-GA) and other members of the Congressional Black Caucus recalled the violence they met and the hard struggle through the decades and in the present for enfranchisement. In the end, HR 9 passed with a 390 to 33 vote, without amendment. All but six of the no votes were cast by members of the anti-immigrant caucus. The vote was orchestrated to take place in time for President Bush’s first-ever appearance at the NAACP convention, where he gave the signal to Senate Republican leadership to do likewise. But, only a week after passage, the Bush Justice Department collaborated with a Bush appointed federal judge to give control of Alabama voter lists to the Republican governor.

Judiciary Committee

With a Democratic majority in the House, outstanding advocate Rep. John Conyers (D- MI), ranking member of the Judiciary Committee would be the chair instead of reactionary James Sensenbrenner (R-WI), author of the punitive anti-immigrant HR 4437.

Rep. Juanita Millender-McDonald (D-CA), a member of the Congressional Black Caucus, is ranking member of the House Administration Committee and as chair can be expected to bring forward for action HR 550 to amend the Help America Vote Act and require voter-verified permanent paper record and other basic protections against voter intimidation and voter theft. This act which now has 201 co-sponsors has been held hostage by Republican leadership. As well, restoration of voting rights to those who have completed their prison time will have the chance to be placed on the table nationally, addressing the disproportionate disenfranchisement of young African American men.

Immigrant Rights

Bush and the Republican leadership of the House maintain the appearance of difference on the issue of immigration reform, but a behind-the-scenes look reveals otherwise. When the infamous punitive, anti-immigrant HR 4437 was coming up for vote, it did not have enough support for passage. On December 15, 2005 the White House issued a statement of administration policy urging the House to pass it. It was Bush who made the difference, resulting in a bill that criminalizes 12 million without proper documents and turns those who help undocumented immigrants into felons.

Following the mega-marches in opposition, the Senate adopted S 2611, a compromise comprehensive bill with some positive aspects but many negative features. It incorporates many punitive measures from HR 4437, a limited three-tier legalization program that excludes large numbers of undocumented, a guest worker program that would relegate participants to second-class status. The positive elements include the Dream Act and the Ag Jobs Bill long awaiting passage.

Senate leader Bill Frist (R-TN) exposed his disregard for the democratic process when he threatened to bypass the deliberations of the Senate Judiciary Committee and put forth his own enforcement-only bill directly on the floor. Minority leader Harry Reid successfully halted this ruthless approach.

In normal procedure, the separate House and Senate bills would be sent to a joint conference committee to be reconciled into one common bill. Uncertain if they had the support, and looking for an election ploy to motivate their base, the right-wing Republican House leadership decided not to appoint members to the committee and instead launched a campaign of summer field hearings across the country designed to whip up anti-immigrant hysteria.

The racism is very thick. During a lobby day in May, Sen. Rick Santorum (R-PA), who is number one target for defeat, shocked a group of Mexican American clergy from Los Angeles when he told them bluntly he would not support comprehensive immigration reform because he doesn’t want the country to be like Los Angeles!

In this climate, some immigrant advocacy organizations felt that tactically they had to settle for the Senate bill despite opposing its divisive elements. Others came to the conclusion that no bill would be better than any of the dangerous options on the table. The campaign for a massive voter registration and citizenship campaign to bring out a significant pro-immigrant, pro-worker vote, combined with large demonstrations in the first week of September is a unifying effort. With a Democratic Party majority in the House, the chair of the Immigration Subcommittee would be Rep. Shiela Jackson-Lee (D-TX), author of HR 2092, which has the most constructive solutions for immigrant workers and their families.

Election of a Democratic majority will give new leverage to demands from the grassroots for a path to citizenship, family reunification, labor rights, due process and civic participation, as well as demands to repeal trade agreements that are not based on workers’ rights and environmental protections.

Progressive Reforms

With a Democratic majority, Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) would become the first woman speaker of the House. Harry Reid would be Senate leader. In the first week they pledge to raise the minimum wage, make prescription drugs affordable, cut interest rates for student loans in half and repeal billions of dollars in tax cuts to the rich and oil-energy corporations. While limited, the group of reforms signal a qualitative change from the current reactionary policies.

With a Democratic majority, 11 of the 20 House committees would be chaired by members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus or Congressional Black Caucus. In addition, 45 of 92 House subcommittee chairs would be members of the Progressive, Black, Hispanic or Asian Pacific Caucus. In the event that corporate interests move to block such a powerful leadership from taking the reins, the labor and people’s movements have to be on the ready to insure that the seniority of progressive members of Congress is honored.

An end to the right-wing Republican majority would open the door to overturn the presidential veto on stem cell research. Dozens of bills that have been blocked, which have broad popular support and are vital to improve the quality of life for working people could be acted on. In a letter celebrating the second birthday of Progressive Democrats of America (PDA), John Conyers (D-MI), dean of the Congressional Black Caucus, concludes to move forward with investigations, with an increase in the minimum wage, with health care for all, with the Apollo initiative for renewable energy, with developing a plan to end the occupation [of Iraq] and real election protections, we must first take back the House in November.

Revolutionary Vision

The results of this election will reverberate far beyond November 7. The stakes for democracy, peace and equal rights are very high.

This election is inspiring many young, new voters to become involved. It is serving as a common point of struggle for the key forces that have the power to change Congress: labor, African American, Latino, women and youth voters along with retirees, environmentalists and peace activists.

Lessons learned in the great battle to elect a Democratic majority and continue the fight for progressive reforms will help prepare for even bigger battles ahead as the crises within capitalism grow sharper. If labor and people’s movements succeed in reaching out to swing voters and defeating the right-wing stranglehold on Congress in November, they will be in good position to go on the offensive and mobilize for even more advanced demands, and perhaps begin the formation of new political structures free of the influence of corporate domination. Every vote is vital to win this goal.



--Joelle Fishman chairs the Political Action Commission of the Communist Party USA. Send your comments to