
Original source: People's  Democracy 
 
 The structural crisis of the capitalist system, which had been worsening  for decades, has now reached a point where it requires urgent attention  in every region of the globe. 
   
 The crisis that erupted like a volcano, particularly after the Wall  Street crash on September 15, 2008, could not, by the very logic of the  system, remain limited to a financial crisis. It has rather engulfed all  aspects of the capitalist economy – industry, agriculture, social and  political life. 
   
 STRUCTURAL CRISIS 
 
 The sum total of resources involved is overwhelming – trillions of  dollars destroyed in the last few months. The crisis of capitalism, with  a reduction in industrial, agricultural, and services outputs, is all  too evident. Since 1929, capitalism has not seen so deep a crisis. One  veteran Marxist scholar has come to the conclusion that, having no  limits to its expansion, the system of capital ends up as a destructive  and deeply uncontrollable process. It is made up of what Marx called  second-order mediations – when everything becomes controlled by the  logic of capital's valorization process, with no regard for vital human  and social imperatives. Superfluous production and consumerism corrode  labor, leading to precarious employment, structural unemployment and a  level of destruction of nature never before seen on such a global scale. 
   
 Thus, unlike the alternating periods of expansion and crisis, which has  shaped capitalism throughout its history, we now find ourselves immersed  in continuous depression, showing the characteristics of a structural  crisis. 
   
 The widening gulf between production truly dedicated to meeting human  needs and production dedicated to the self-reproduction of capital  intensifies the destructive side effects, which put the future of our  species at risk: the structural precariousness of labor and the  destruction of nature. 
   
 This underlines another fundamental contradiction in which the world has  sunk more deeply since the beginning of the century. If unemployment  rates continue to rise, the levels of social degradation and barbarism,  intrinsic to unemployment, also spiral. If, on the other hand, the world  resumes its former rate of growth, increasing production and the way of  life founded on superfluity and waste, we shall see an even higher rate  of nature's destruction, intensifying the now dominant destructive  logic. 
   
 CORROSION OF LABOR 
 
 This systemic and structural crisis has another central component: the  corrosion of labor. After the crisis worsened in the United States and  other major capitalist countries, it has had deep repercussions in the  sphere of labor on a global scale. Amid the hurricane now battering the  heart of the capitalist system, we see the erosion of relatively  regulated and contracted labor, heir to the Taylorist and Fordist eras,  which was the norm in the twentieth century – the result of a century of  workers' struggles for social rights. This is now being replaced by  several forms of "entrepreneurship," "cooperativism," "voluntary work"  and "atypical labor." These formula range from the super-exploitation of  labor to self-exploitation, always in the direction of a structurally  greater precarization of the labour force on a global scale. Besides,  there is an explosion of unemployment affecting enormous numbers of  workers – men or women, permanent or precarized, formal or informal,  native-born or immigrant. The latter are the first to be harshly  penalized.  
   
 Let us look at the situation of joblessness since 2008. 
   
 In a recent report using fairly moderate data, the International Labour  Organization (ILO), forecast the loss of 50 million jobs in 2009. If  only one large car maker in the US closes the doors, it would create  millions of unemployed. Newspapers in Europe daily report thousands of  workers losing their jobs. 
   
 The same ILO report adds that almost 1.5 billion workers will see their  salaries cut and unemployment spreading in the same period. But it is a  well-established fact that official statistics on employment fail to  detect the disguised unemployment. If unemployment statistics in India  and China were included, the numbers would grow many times over. 
   
 In China: The crisis has created unprecedented difficulties and  challenges for the economy. It has brought about a marked shrinkage of  overseas demand, overproduction in some industries, a sharp decrease in  orders, stagnation in sales and shrinking of profits. The impact has  spread from the coastal to inland regions, from small and medium to  large enterprises, and from export-oriented industries to others. The  number of loss-making enterprises and industries has increased and a  large number of export-oriented enterprises had to shut down operations.  Unemployment has worsened in urban areas; a large number of migrant  workers have left the cities and returned home. The downward pressure on  economic growth has increased and GDP growth has slowed sharply, down  to 6.1 percent in the first quarter of 2009, the lowest in 17 years. In  short, this has created the gravest situation for China so far in this  century. In view of this situation, some people in China and abroad have  misgivings about China’s ability to continue the steady and fast  economic growth of the last three decades (Liu Yunshan, “How China is  Dealing with the Global Financial Crisis”).      
   
 In India: The situation of joblessness is serious. Labour ministry’s  employment exchange figures from the live register in December 2000 show  an alarming picture. Unfortunately, neither National Sample Survey  Organization nor the labor ministry has published the updated statistics  of registered unemployment. We can safely assume that during the last  10 years, particularly after the shock of September 15, 2008,  unemployment has continued to rise to dizzy heights. The labor  ministry’s backdated figures of 2000 are given below: 
   
 No. of jobseekers in the live register in December 2000: 4 crore 34 lakh  36 thousand (43,436,000) 
   
 No. of women jobseekers in December 2000: 10 crore 45 lakh 7 thousand 3  hundred (104,507,300) 
   
 No. of SC jobseekers in December 1999: 59 lakh 48 thousand (5,948,000) 
   
 No. of educated SC jobseekers in December 1999: 39 lakh 61 thousand 6  hundred (3,961,600) 
   
 No. of physically handicapped jobseekers in December 1999: 45 lakh 5  thousand 9 hundred (4,505,900) 
   
 No. of minority community jobseekers in December 1999: 57 lakh 26  thousand 2 hundred (5,726,200) 
   
 On the basis of the ministry’s 2000 figures, we can assume that  unemployment now surely stands somewhere above 5 crore (50,000,000). 
   
 However, statistics of rural unemployment are not available except some  in Dr Arjun Sengupta’s report. If we take into consideration the rural  unemployment or underemployment together with urban unemployment  (registered and unregistered), it will stand somewhere between 12 and 13  crore (120-130 million). It is a devastating figure.  
   
 According to the government of India’s Economic Review 2007-08, the  industrial sector witnessed a slowdown in the first nine months of the  current financial year. The consumer durable goods sector in particular  showed a distinct slowdown. This is linked to the hardening of interest  rates and therefore to the conditions prevailing in the domestic credit  sector. In contrast, the capital goods industry sustained strong growth  performance during April-December 2007. 
   
 At the product group level, the survey states, the moderation in growth  has been selective. Industries like chemicals, food products, leather,  jute textiles, wood products and miscellaneous manufacturing products  witnessed acceleration in growth, while basic metals, machinery and  equipments, rubber, plastic and petroleum products and beverages and  tobacco recorded lower but strong growth during April-December 2007.  Other industries including textiles (except jute textiles), automotives,  paper, non-metallic mineral products and metal products slowed down  visibly during the period. The slowdown in the case of less  import-intensive sectors like textiles is coincident with the decline in  the growth of exports arising from the sharp appreciation in the rupee  vis-à-vis the dollar. Within automobiles, while passenger cars, scooters  and mopeds witnessed buoyant growth, the production of motor cycles and  three wheelers slackened. In a nutshell, the industrial sector has  produced mixed results in the current fiscal. The picture is somewhat  clear about the downward trend of industrial production. 
   
 DECLINING WAGES 
 
 In the US, UK and Japan, unemployment rates in the first few months of  2009 are the highest in decades. That is why businessmen the world over  are pressing for new legislation to make labor laws more flexible,  falsely arguing that this is a way of saving jobs. It has been already  tried in the US, UK, Spain, and Argentina in a very intense way, but  unemployment has just kept on spiraling upward. 
   
 The ILO has done some study on the wage situation in the wake of the  global capitalist crisis. Its updated Global Wage Database includes  official wage statistics for 53 countries, consistently till 2008 end.  Based on this sample, it appears that the global growth in average wages  declined from 4.3 percent in 2007 to 1.4 percent in 2008. Overall,  while a majority of countries could maintain declining but positive wage  growth in 2008, more than a quarter of countries experienced flat or  falling monthly wages in real terms. These countries include the USA (0  percent), Austria (0 percent), Costa Rica (0 percent), South Africa  (-0.3 percent), Germany (-0.6 percent), Switzerland (-0.7 percent),  Israel (-0.9 percent). 
   
 The statistics on wages used in this report, consist of the total  monthly remuneration received by employees. ILO noted that international  comparability of wage levels is affected by the different measurements  in national surveys. 
   
 Average wages and wage shares are aggregate measures of wages and  therefore do not help us to understand how wages are distributed among  workers. As the wage share is declining in many countries, the issue of  wage distribution gains further importance. Of course, wage inequality  is a complex issue, involving multiple dimensions. Particular interest  has been paid in recent years to wage inequality between different  groups of workers, for instance by sex, level of education, age,  ethnicity, migration status or formality. Due to the complexity of these  issues and the paucity of relevant data for global analysis, ILO could  not address these issues in this year's report. Instead, it examined  some simple indicators that compare high- and low-wage earners, and also  compare these two extreme groups with the median-wage earners. 
   
 ILO also considers trends in wage inequality in relation to both  economic growth and gender. Before considering it, however, we address  the more fundamental issue of why inequality matters. Debates around  this issue have intensified in recent years. As a general principle, it  is widely accepted that wage compensation needs to reflect workers’  contributions and performance. Since these inevitably show individual  variations, it follows that wage inequality is a fair indicator of  economic reality. This is important for public policy, particularly in  the light of recent findings on what determines the people's levels of  satisfaction. Population surveys show that subjective perceptions of  happiness depend more on how an individual’s income compares with those  of other people than on the absolute level of their income. There are  also many economic costs associated with higher inequality, such as  higher crime rates, higher expenditures on private and public security,  worse public health outcomes and lower average educational achievements.  A growing body of studies also highlights the importance of reducing  inequality to achieve poverty reduction. 
   
 To present some trends, ILO first compares high-wage earners with  low-wage earners, in particular the wage level of the bottom 10 per cent  of workers (this wage threshold is commonly referred to as D1) with the  wage level of the top 10 per cent of workers (referred to as D9). These  data show the difference in this ratio of overall wage inequality for  two periods, 1995-97 and 2004-06. ILO found that more than two-thirds of  the countries in the sample experienced increases in wage inequality.  There are, however, some important exceptions, primarily in Latin  American countries. 
   
 INCREASING WAGE INEQUALITY 
 
 The underlying reasons for the increasing wage inequality vary across  countries. ILO compares the years 1995-2000 with the years 2001-06.  Among the countries which experienced increases in inequality, the more  developed countries such as the UK and the US fall into the category of  mainly "flying top" wages, with the exception of Germany which falls  into the category of "collapsing bottom" wages. Australia is  characterized by a degree of "polarization.” The countries from  developing regions are predominantly close to the scenario of  "collapsing bottom" wages: in Argentina. Chile and Thailand, the main  force behind the overall increase in wage inequality has been growing  inequality between the median and lowest wages. 
   
 Similar diversity can be found in countries where wage inequality has  fallen since 1995. In case of France, lower inequality was induced  mainly by wage compressions between the median and lowest wages. The  opposite situation was found in Brazil where the gap between median and  higher wages narrowed considerably (mainly because median wages grew  rapidly); in Mexico reduction in inequality has been made on both  fronts. 
   
 On the issue of wage inequality in the context of economic development,  one widespread perception is that inequality is part of the wider  process of growth. This understanding is often expressed in the  so-called "Kuznets curve," named after Nobel laureate Simon Kuznets  (1901-85), which says that inequality first increases, then stabilizes  and eventually falls during industrialization. Many interpret it as  evidence that inequality is somehow a "natural" byproduct of early  economic development and that it will decline "naturally" in the later  stages. This view is often associated with recommendations against  policy interventions to reduce inequality – usually with the argument  that such policies may inadvertently jeopardize economic growth. An  alternative view of the decline in US income inequality after the Great  Depression and Second World War was due to progressive taxation rather  than compression wages. The ILO study on the wage inequality is,  however, based on the inequality inherent in capitalist economy. 
   
 Another fundamental dimension of inequality is the difference between  men's wages and women's wages – the so-called "gender pay gap." While  this issue deserves special attention, constraints in both data and  research make it difficult to present a comprehensive analysis of gender  pay gaps from a global perspective. The ILO observes that this wage gap  is still wide and is closing only very slowly. Measuring the gender pay  gaps by using the ratio of female average wages to male average wages,  ILO finds the overall pay gap has been decreasing in recent years. In  about 80 percent of the countries for which data are available, this gap  has narrowed. However, the size of change is small and in some cases  negligible. Overall, this finding is in line with the existing studies  that show that the gender pay gap has been rather stable or decreasing  only very slowly. Hence, reduction in the gender pay gap has clearly  been disappointing in the light of women's educational achievements,  progressive closing of gender gap in work experience, and the favorable  economic context. In a majority of countries, women's wages are between  70 and 90 percent of men's wages. In case of European countries, the  ratio on an average is around 0.75, but it is not uncommon to find much  higher ratios in other parts of the world, particularly in Asia. 
   
 INDUSTRIAL SECTOR CRISIS 
 
 On the basis of the above facts, we can take a different track from  those who confine the crisis to the world of banking, a "crisis of the  financial system," or a "credit crunch." It is an enormous speculative  expansion of financial adventurism, particularly in the last three or  four decades and is by its nature inseparable from a deepening of the  crisis, in the productive branches of industry as well as from the  ensuing troubles arising from the utterly sluggish capital accumulation  (and indeed failed accumulation) in the productive field of the economy.  Now the crisis is increasingly worsening in the field of industrial  production. A necessary consequence of this ever deepening crisis in the  productive branches of the real economy is the growth of unemployment  and associated human misery on a frightening scale. To expect a very  happy solution to these problems from the capitalist state's rescue  operations is a great illusion. 
   
 In his The Structural Crisis of Capital, Istvan Meszaros adds: "the  recent attempts to counter the intensifying crisis symptoms, by the  cynically camouflaged nationalization of astronomic magnitudes of  capitalist bankruptcy, out of the yet to be invented state resources,  could only highlight the deep-seated antagonistic causal determinations  of the capital system's destructiveness. For what is fundamentally at  stake today is not simply a massive financial crisis but humanity's  potential self-destruction at this juncture of historical development,  both militarily and through the ongoing destruction of nature." 
   
 If capital's answer to its structural crisis is the neo-Keynesianism of a  fully privatized state, the answer from the social forces of labor must  be radical. The fallacy of the neo-Keynesian "alternative," always  welcomed by those on the so-called "left" acting to promote "order," is  fated to fail. This type of alternative (!) visualizes the line of least  resistance to capital. 
   
 The deepening global crisis of capital in all aspects of economy, jobs,  wages, social sector and culture necessitates a determined struggle to  finally defeat the rule of capital. With correct vision and ideological  conviction, trade unions and the working class party need to organize an  uninterrupted and prolonged struggle for a step by step march forward  to a socialist alternative so that humanity can be saved. The other  alternative is to revert to barbarism, as Rosa Luxemburg warned long  ago. The validity of her warning is now proving to be correct
