
A broad-based movement has dramatically arisen in response to the grave danger posed to our nation and the world by the policies of the Bush administration and the ultra-right majority in Congress and the Supreme Court. Today’s anti-Bush movement is more diverse, broader, and more actively determined than the coalition to defeat him in the last election.
After the Republican theft of the White House in 2000 and three and one-half years of Bush’s policies, it’s no exaggeration to say that whether one looks at the issues of war and peace, economic and social justice or democracy itself, this administration has done great harm.
They are out to turn back the clock and worse. Bush and company want to reconstruct US foreign and domestic policies along with the mass ideological and psychological make up of the people to conform with their right-wing ideology. If they have their way, we will face decades of war, escalating poverty, racism and repression.
Even though many are fooled by the ultra right’s rhetoric, the fact that most Americans, in the face of unrelenting media support are losing confidence in the president and his policies is a tribute to their political consciousness.
Most importantly it is a tribute to labor, the vast majority of the peace movement along with the civil rights, women’s, youth and students, seniors, environmental, civil libertarian and religious movements. Most of these forces have shown they understand what’s at stake and have committed massive efforts and resources.
The anti-Bush front has grown extremely broad. It is not confined to Democrats and independents – many Republican voters are losing confidence also.
The opposition runs deep. Even among military families there is growing concern and doubts about the war’s conduct. While supporting the troops, they increasingly are not supporting the administration. In fact, many military families have actively joined the peace movement. Even some soldiers on active duty are starting to rebel and desert in the face of the criminal policies in Iraq.
Importantly, families of the victims of the September 11th terrorist attacks whose politics run the gamut from left to right, have played a decisive role in forcing the government to hold hearings to get to the bottom of what happened. The administration opposed the formation of the 9/11 Commission and basically stonewalled and lied before it. Not surprisingly, many of the families are quite outspoken and are now in the anti-Bush camp.
The revelation that US intelligence failed to prevent the attacks despite many warnings along with the recent expose of the use of the most brutal forms of torture, rape, and other forms of sexual terror and murder of prisoners in Iraq, Guantanamo and Afghanistan has eroded Bush’s support even further.
This has already forced the resignations of George Tenet, the head of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and a top general in the Iraqi command, Ricardo S. Sanchez. Now the mass demand that Rumsfeld, Cheney, Powell, Rice and Wolfowitz resign has come to the fore as well.
'When,' they ask, 'are we going to fight for a real third party? Are we going to be forever caught in the two-party trap?' Real concern is voiced about John Kerry: Some are saying, 'We’ve got to stop Bush but Kerry isn’t a strong enough alternative. Won’t we face the same problems under a Kerry presidency?'
Partial Victories
The fact is we will face some of the same problems when (or if) Kerry wins. But that is not a reason to not get involved. Everyone understands we are not going to elect an anti-imperialist president. This election is not the revolution: that’s in the future. The reality of life at this stage is the greater evil cannot be defeated without electing the lesser evil.
Frankly, we have to understand that all victories under capitalism are partial. That does not make them unimportant or a waste of time. Ultimate victories are not possible without partial victories. Partial victories lead to ultimate victories. Fear of partial victories or reforms is the kiss of death for the left. Revolutionaries who do not believe in working for reforms will never reach their goals. It’s reform and revolution not reform or revolution. The most important question before us is what can be won in 2004: that is the defeat of Bush and setting the stage for moving our country in a new direction.
Yes, there will be illusions in capitalism with every reform. However illusions can be dealt with in the course of struggle. But perhaps the greatest illusion is to think the left can bring about fundamental change without sincerely participating in the fight for democracy leading up to it. Being a sideline critic and agitator is arrogant, politically sectarian and will lead to isolation. The Communist Party’s understanding of Marxism-Leninism and the role of the working class will not allow it to go down that path.
It would be a great mistake not to recognize that Bush does have substantial support in the country. But that should not divert from what is new and developing and this is precisely the new movement against him.
Revolutionary Potential
Finally the anti-Bush movement has revolutionary potential on the ideological and political fronts and can move things to a whole new level of unity and organizational strength. It’s already happening: look at the size of the marches over the last period. Today, movements can attract hundreds of thousands: even a million participants.
On the ideological front, we are really engaged in a historic struggle against right-wing capitalist ideology. The main idea behind the tax cut to the rich is they must get richer if there is to be prosperity and jobs for the working class. It fosters the lie that taxes collected to pay for social services and to help working people destroys initiative and fosters laziness. Based on their logic, tax incentives for the rich always fosters incentive but when it comes to the working class it’s the opposite. Of course, recent history has shown that the tax cuts have produced great wealth at the top but few jobs and lower real wages for the working class.
The attack on gay marriage, choice and the issue of prayer in schools are really about the separation of church and state. Laws that govern marriage are really a civic matter. We are a nation with a large number of religious believers and many different religions but we are not and should not become a religious state. Marriage and health issues should be civil matters, not under the jurisdiction of one or another religion where good or bad is judged by the literal interpretation of 1000-year-old religious texts. Most Americans would not accept a state that is anti-religious but they are not for eliminating the separation of church and state.
The health care crisis is raising a major challenge to right-wing ideology. The fact is that the privately run-and-owned health care industry cannot deliver quality health care to the American people. The right wing argues that a privately run system is better but every day we do not move towards a publicly owned system more people will needlessly die. Most people in the rest of the world take this idea of socialized medicine for granted. Because of the powerful presence of the health industry and the right-wing politicians who support and receive contributions from them, the unnecessary loss of life continues. To call for a single payer system is to call for the massive shift of a huge part of our private capitalist economy into the public sector. This fight is going to be won sooner or later. Defeating Bush in 2004 will bring us a step closer. But if the ideological battle for single payer cannot be won, how can masses ultimately be convinced about the great benefits of the socialist alternative?
Here’s the point: for the left to stay out of this fight is self-defeating.
This why we must build the anti-Bush front and help it win in 2004. So much rides on this struggle that we dare not falter.
The Nader/Camejo Ticket
Ralph Nader has not been mentioned by name in this article up to now but he represents a lot of the thinking referring to above.
It stands to reason that that ticket must be pressured to do nothing to disrupt the anti-Bush front. I do not agree he is decisive to it. If Nader runs an anti-Kerry campaign as with Gore in 2000 he will be part of the problem. If he puts his main fire on Bush he can contribute. If indifferent to the outcome of the election he will hurt the cause. To paraphrase Engels speaking of Henry George’s candidacy for mayor of New York 1886, a million or two votes for Nader will mean almost nothing to the cause if it helps Bush win!
The paths to a real third people’s party that can really challenge the dominant parties are varied. They have to be outside and inside the two-party structures. You cannot build a successful third party movement without the presence of organized labor, racial minorities, urban and rural, young and old folks. The predominantly white students and sections of the middle-class left alone cannot do it.
Third party forms that understand the two (or many) pronged approaches will be most successful. Failure to see that is to impede the struggle for real political independence and freedom. Needless to say, this also goes for those inside the two parties who want a better world also.
The battle lines have been drawn. The other side is well financed and determined to use whatever it takes to win. But they can and will be defeated through unity, hard work and greater determination. Forward to the maximum vote against Bush and the ultra right!
--Jarvis Tyner is Executive Vice Chair of the Communist Party USA.
