11-27-05, 2:00 pm
A revolution is presently on course in Venezuela known as the “Bolivarian revolution.” It is an antisystemic and socialist revolution, which benefits from very broad support. Since 1998, Venezuelans have repeatedly affirmed their liking for this revolution as amply evidenced by Hugo Chávez’s election to the presidency, the reform of the Constitution, the “no” vote to attempt to recall the chief of the state, and regional elections won some months later. Even earlier, in April 2002, the broad public rose up in protest against a coup supported by the oligarchy and, in December of the same year, resisted an employers’ lockout which attempted to strangle the economy.
Fundamentally, the legitimacy of the revolutionary process in this South American country lies in strict respect for the law (so as not to give a handle to reaction), and appeals to an ideal of social justice imbued with the spirit of Christianity and deeply rooted in the people’s mentality. But in the word of Chávez this ideal will be achieved only if “one gives the power to the people.”
This is exactly what Hugo Chávez, an exceptional revolutionary leader, is trying to do. In this difficult time for the left, the radicalism of Chávez’s discourse is almost surprising in its anti-imperialist firmness in bringing to the fore the vital need for humanity to search for an alternative to capitalism and find a new way to a socialism of the future. US imperialism does not make a mistake in seeing him as a major enemy.
If the Venezuelan revolution is peaceful, however, it is not unarmed. Arms have recently been imported, because “the people of Venezuela are ready to defend its territory and to fight for its revolution.” Within Venezuela, Chávez is resisting the aggressiveness of the still powerful local bourgeoisie. At the international level, he does not cease to insist on the urgency of building an anti-imperialist front in the South by uniting Latin American countries.
The solidarity of the Bolivarian revolution extends to peoples around the world. In fact, very few heads of the state like him have the courage to express opposition to Bush’s war on Iraq and solidarity with the Iraqi people. His proposal in particular is to launch a counter to the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), by gathering together national oil companies on a regional scale to create a single continental oil company (Pétroamérica). His administration is also creating a TV channel at the service of the peoples of the South (Telesur).
Venezuela is bursting with oil wealth. Nevertheless, more than two-thirds of Venezuelans are living in poverty. For some time, however, things have begun to change, especially thanks to the “social missions” of the Bolivarian revolution launched in the second half of 2003. These social missions are organized around education, health, food supply, employment and the inalienable rights of the people.
Thanks to some 100,000 civilian and military instructors, “Robinson mission number1,” named in honor of Bolívar’s teacher, Simón Rodríguez (called Samuel Robinson during the independence war) has brought literacy to more than one million Venezuelans in only a year. Furthermore, the “Robinson mission 2” has taught 1.2 million more to read and write. At the same time 770,000 other (young and not-so-young) Venezuelans have earned a general certificate of education. This has been achieved under the auspices of the “Ribas mission” named for a general of Venezuela’s revolutionary war, José Felix Ribas. The “Sucre mission” opened the doors of the university to half a million scholarship holders. Antonio José de Sucre was the Venezuelan marshal who led the revolutionary armies to victory against the Spanish in Ayacucho in 1824 before founding the state of Bolivia.
Health indicators throughout the country have improved thanks to the “misión Barrio Adentro” (“inside-the-neighborhood mission”). Initiated in 2003, this mission has brought to life a large network of “people’s hospitals” along with medical, dental and eye care centers dedicated to the poor. This network is complemented by the implementation of social and economic reforms, culture, communication and sport. Today, 17 million poor are taken care of by this “integral general medical” program. It is, of course, fully free. In one year, the results obtained are really impressive: most health indicators are already improving, especially infant mortality rate, now below 20 percent as compared to 35 percent in the Brazil.
These efforts are further articulated by the “Mercal mission,” a plan to combat hunger which guarantees food at low prices to 10 million persons in 11,000 shops, subsidized and managed by the state. The “maximum protection plan” as well as the “Bolivarian popular canteens” distribute food, health advice, cultural events and even lodging freely to half a million poor. In a few months, the revolution cut in half the number of people without access to drinking water.
Venezuela is also implementing the people’s food program, selling food at extremely low prices to reduce malnutrition. This program has created a network of “food houses” that distribute free food along with the “program of social care,” which offers personalized medical, dental and pediatric services, as well as legal assistance.
Special plans to promote employment along with the establishment of banks dedicated to helping the poor complete this strategy. It relies on the participation of the creative force of the people in the generation of wealth. Land, until now undeveloped or underdeveloped, has been distributed to more than 10,000 poor families in the rural areas (thanks to the land law) and in urban areas.
Much attention is paid in Chávez’s new Venezuela to the problems of indigenous peoples. The “misión Guaicaipuro” aims at improving the living and cultural conditions of indigenous peoples. Today, 33 Amerindian nationalities live in Venezuela, stretching over eight states of the country.
Finally another important mission addresses the status of immigrants in the country. The “misión Identidad” (“Identity mission”) has given citizenship to more than five million Venezuelans (that is to say to more than 20 percent of the total population) by allowing them identity cards and, as a result, the right to vote.
One could obviously exhibit impatience with the pace of change. A lot of ground remains to be covered before this country becomes “liveable” for a majority of its people. Nevertheless, it is not possible to ignore the present state of the relationship of forces, which is still uncertain, both inside as well as outside the country. Each advance of the Bolivarian revolution is of the utmost importance for all progressive and democratic forces in the world.
Obviously, success depends on internal factors and above all the capability of the revolutionaries to gain ground in the media, other institutions and in the ownership of the means of production. Much also depends on the formation of political cadres and the ability to organize and mobilize the people in support of the process. But success also depends on the decisive role the army will play in its alliance with the people. The links between Cuba and Venezuela, two revolutionary countries, are increasing.
This subject could be seen as relatively marginal, but it is really crucial for all of us, both in the United States and in Europe. It is crucial because these new relations contribute to both breaking the isolation of Cuba as well as giving a new impulse to the Cuban revolution after the difficulties of the “special period in time of peace.” It also may help the young Bolivarian revolution to transform its internal social structure progressively. It also opens avenues for alternatives, solidarity in Latin America in the face of the Free Trade Area of the Americas project’s huge dangers.
As a matter of fact, a new kind of relationship is developing with Cuba. The role of the socialist island in deepening the Venezuelan revolution is quite important and wonderful. Cuba is now helping Chávez’s revolutionary government to put into practice its social missions to the poor. More than 18,500 Cuban physicians have volunteered for the “misión Barrio Adentro,” from the shantytowns of Caracas to the farthest regions of the Andean mountains in the West, the Amazonian forests in the South and the Guyana plateau in the East.
Some Venezuelan doctors, recently graduated from the Latin American medical school (Escuela Latinoamericana de Ciencias Médicas) have joined these medical teams. Opened at the end of 1999, this school will soon have more than 10,000 students. Two thousand scholarships are granted each year by Cuba to Venezuelan students in medicine. Moreover, the “misión Milagro” (“miracle mission”) performed operations in Cuba on more than 10,700 Venezuelan patients affected by cataracts without any cost.
Even the educational literacy missions referred to above must give thanks to the Cuban learning method (“Yo si puedo,” “Yes, I can”). Although still modest, the program against hunger applied today in Venezuela (“misión Mercal”) looks a little bit like the Cuban “libreta” system of free distribution of food.
In exchange for Cuban solidarity is the supplying of the island with oil by means of “compensated trade.” (Even if oil was discovered in Cuba and even if Cuba is now guaranteeing a good price in dollars per barrel to Venezuela.) This oil for social services, material/immaterial, win/win exchange between the two parts is extremely important in breaking their isolation.
Beyond this crucial bilateral cooperation between Cuba and Venezuela, the strategic alliance is also opening new perspectives for change on a global scale. A first step in this direction is the signing of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas and the Caribbean (ALBA) on December 14, 2004. It was conceived as an effective alternative to Bush-sponsored FTAA, and is a plan for regional integration based on solidarity in order to create an area free of poverty, illiteracy, malnutrition and unemployment for the benefit of the poor.
According to the ALBA treaty, enlarging the 2000 cooperation pact between Cuba and Venezuela now includes a wide range of economic agreements on technological transfers in the energy sector and telecommunications (including the use of satellites by Cuba), the financing of productive and infrastructural projects in agriculture transport and tourism. One of ALBA’s main points is the creation of a “compensatory fund for structural convergence,” whose goal is to secure preferential treatment to poor countries of the region and grant financial aid to infrastructural and social investments or support local production and exports.
At the same time, the two countries signed agreements with China. The agreements with Cuba covered various fields, such as exporting 4,000 tons of nickel to China every year, but also agreements on mixed companies, tourism, telecommunications, railway and biotechnology. Cuba, like China, is carrying out a de-dollarization process with the November 2004 decision to prohibit the circulation of dollars on the island, replaced by the convertible peso.
In a parallel development Venezuela has engaged in negotiations with the Andean countries trying to apply its anti-FTAA strategy. As one can see things seem to be really changing in Latin America. A new world is standing up on this continent, and it will not give up the fight.
As an expression of solidarity with these developments in the United States as well as in Europe, our goals are clear:
1. to fight to lift the blockade against Cuba;
2. to reject the FTAA and the bilateral free trade treaties between the US and Latin American countries;
3. to mobilize all progressive and democratic forces in solidarity with the Cuban revolution and with the Bolivarian revolution.
The victory of anti-imperialist forces is possible. Without reliable sources in his time, Marx did not know how to take real measure of Bolivar’s stature, nor to understand the deeply revolutionary nature of his action.
Today, we, Marxists of the 21st century, should not make the same mistake about the Bolivarian revolution inspired by the Libertador’s dreams of union and universality. For all of us solidarity with the Venezuelan people and its revolutionary government is an imperative, urgent duty.
--Remy Herrera is a researcher with the National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS) of France and a professor at the Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne.
