Iraqi Communists Demand Troop Withdrawal and Restoration of Sovereignty

6-23-05, 11:30 am



See Iraqi Communist Party

Editor’s Note: This is a translated and excerpted version of an article that appeared in Tareeq Al-Shaab, the newspaper of the Iraqi Communist Party, earlier this month.

About the Government Program ... The People Want Specific Commitments and Concrete Achievements

Dr Ibrahim Al-Jaafary [the Iraqi Prime Minister] presented late last month his government program to the National Assembly, which in turn set up a committee to study the program and give notes about it in a session to be convened with the Prime Minister present.

The presentation of the program, which was delayed as a result of the unjustified delay in forming the government, is a healthy phenomenon and a legal obligation that allows the legislative authority, as well as the masses of people, political movements and parties and civil society organizations, to get to know the government’s policies and plans in various fields, and scrutinize the content of these plans. It can be said that the Political Program of the Presidency of Council of Ministers (as it was called when presented to the National Assembly) had good orientation, specifying objectives that are unquestionably important, and was, generally speaking, in line with the content of the Law for Iraqi State Administration in the Transitional Stage. But it was coined in far more general phrases rather than being concrete in character, lacking specific commitments and concrete achievements.

On reading the program, other points arise:

- Vagueness in specifying to whom it belongs. Instead of the title being 'The Government Program' or 'Program of Council of Ministers,' it was: 'The Political Program of Presidency of Council of Ministers'! Is it really a program of the head of government? Was it not discussed and endorsed in the Council of Ministers?

- The program contains broad and big objectives, and talks about achieving qualitative transformation and changes in solving the aggravating crises in the country. Is the government capable of achieving this within the available time and available resources? - While stressing support for any policy aimed at confronting terrorism and terrorists, restoring security and stability and activating the institutions of ministries of interior, defence, national security and intelligence, it must be said that the measures taken in this context should come in line with the prerequisites for consolidating national unity in the broad sense of the word. They should also take into consideration the ethnic, religious, political [situation]. After more than one year since the decision was taken to disband militias, the program’s vague reference to 'the policy of integrating the militias' seems strange. They were supposed to have been disbanded, so why go back to talking about the 'militias'?

- The government’s position with regard to eliminating the legacy of occupation and how to deal with the foreign military presence is not clear in the program. Meanwhile, the government has requested an extension of this presence without referring the issue to the National Assembly. In this context, there has to be a road map that culminates with a timetable to put an end to the presence of foreign troops. After the collapse of the old regime, the 'Baath Eradication Commission' was set up and it began its work amidst controversy about the need for it and its performance, powers, etc. While this controversy continues to this day, the government’s program has declared the intention to set up a 'Higher Commission for Truth and Integrity,' without explaining or making clear whether this new body will replace the Baath Eradication Commission. Regarding public services which the Iraqi citizen is desperately looking forward to its improvement, we see – on the contrary – a deterioration in services of electricity, water, oil products, transport, etc. The program is lacking any remedies that would assure the citizen a possible reduction in the hours of electricity cuts, for example, and the disappearance of the long queues of cars that have returned. Regarding oil, the program says that the government aims 'to pursue a policy that does not contradict the state of world oil market and the process of co-ordinating with OPEC'! What do we understand by this? Will our oil wealth remain a public property of the people? And what about the rehabilitation of our oil industry, in production, transport and distribution?

The government needs to define a clear policy for the diversification of economy and support for national production, especially in the industrial and agricultural sectors, providing the means for their revival through an integrated host of measures, including ones that ensure smooth flow of financial allocations. The government should also declare a position reaffirming continued use of the food rations, improving and diversifying its content, with the inclusion of price controls.

Despite the importance of the positive references with regard to culture and education, we believe that there is a need for the program to include guarantees for the freedom of thought and expression, stimulating a resurgence of culture, supporting its development in all fields, and protecting intellectual property. In addition, there is a need for legislation to protect the cultural heritage, as a national wealth that must not be squandered.

Taking measures to do justice to the victims of the previous regime is an issue of utmost importance and should be among the government ’s priorities. The families of martyrs, the 'disappeared,' those forcibly deported, migrants and issues of those dismissed from their jobs for political reasons, must be dealt with in humane manner, without politicizing them, ensuring that everyone enjoys care, equal and just treatment.

The government program did not contain any mechanism for dealing with the Kurdistan region, its parliament and government, in line with the relevant articles in the Transitional Administrative Law. The program also did not define steps that lead to embarking on the implementation of Article 58 related to normalizing the situation in Kirkuk. This will undoubtedly keep the atmosphere tense, undermine trust between the two principal parties of the government.

The program states that the government is putting forward a political discourse 'that calls of fully-inclusive national participation and dialogue between various political, religious, communal and ethnic currents ..'. This correct policy has remained, unfortunately, an abstract slogan, whereas the practice is something else. The process of forming the government and its composition therefore came about in contradiction with this line.

While contributing to the evaluation of the government program, and pointing out its positive and negative aspects, we stress the importance of scrutinizing, revision, transparency, clarity and combining words with deeds.

In the face of existing difficult conditions and big challenges that confront our people and homeland, the government must provide the political, economic, social, media, as well as military, prerequisites to restore security and stability, and ensure that the political process achieves its final objectives in endorsing the permanent constitution, holding the elections as scheduled, ending the foreign military presence and restoring full national sovereignty.